ქრონოსი

ასაკის განსაზღვრის ანთროპოლოგიური (კბილების ცვეთა და თავის ქალას ნაკერების შეზრდა) და სასამართლო (რენტგენოლოგიური) მეთოდების შედარებითი ანალიზი შუა საუკუნეების ადამიანის ნიმუშებზე "ბერის საყდრებიდან" (ბორჯომი, საქართველო)

ლიანა ბითაძე — 2025-01-20

კრანიალურ ნაშთებზე გამოყენებული ასაკის განსაზღვრის ტრადიციული მეთოდები შესაძლებელს ხდის ასაკის დადგენას კბილების ცვეთის და ნაკერების შეზრდის ხარისხის მიხედვით. ამ მეთოდებით ვიხელმძღვანელეთ საძვალიდან ამოღებულ ბიოარქეოლოგიურ ნიმუშებზე, თავის ქალებზე, რომელთაც არა აქვთ ქვედა ყბა. ბერები დაკრძალულნი იყვნენ ქვის თაროებზე. გარკვეული დროის შემდეგ, დანაწევრებული გამომშრალი ჩონჩხი თაროებიდან ძვალსაცავის შიგნით გადაჰქონდათ. კვლევის მიზანი იყო გაგვესაზღვრა, რომელი მეთოდით შეიძლებოდა უფრო ზუსტად დაგვედგინა ბიოლოგიური ასაკი: ტრადიციული ანთროპოლოგიურით (კბილების ცვეთა, ნაკერების შეზრდა), თუ კამერიერეს სასამართლო-სამედიცინო რენტგენოლოგიური (ერთფესვიანი კბილების – ეშვების) კვლევით.
ჩატარებული სამუშაო უაღრესად მნიშვნელოვანია სხვადასხვა მიზეზის გამო: მონასტერში მიკვლეული ამ რაოდენობის კრანიალური ნაშთის შესწავლა საქართველოში ჯერ არ განხორციელებულა; ამავდროულად, მონასტერი ხანგრძლივი დროის მანძილზე (X-XVI სს.) ფუნქციონირებდა და თვალნათლივ ასახავს სხვადასხვა ისტორიულ და არქეოლოგიურ კონტექსტს; მონასტრის ძვალსაცავში და მის გარშემო არსებულ სასაფლაოზე მოპოვებულია უამრავი ადამიანის (ბერების, ადგილობრივი მოსახლეობის და ამდენად, შესაძლოა, სხვადასხვა სოციალური ფენის წარმომადგენლების) ძვლოვანი ნაშთები, რომელთა შედარებით შესწავლას დიდი მნიშვნელობა ენიჭება ახალი მეთოდების აპრობაციისათვის.
ასაკის განსაზღვრის რენტგენოლოგიური მეთოდი ეფუძნება შეუქცევად ბიოლოგიურ პროცესს, მეორადი დენტინის წარმოქმნით გამოწვეული პულპის ზომის შემცირებას. ახალგაზრდა ასაკში პულპის კამერის მოცულობა საკმაოდ დიდია და რენტგენოგრამაზე კბილის უდიდეს ფართობს იკავებს. ასაკთან ერთად, მისი ზომა მცირდება. მას შემდეგ, რაც გამოითვლება კბილის მთლიანი და პულპის კამერის ფართობები და აღნიშნული მონაცემები ჩაისმება სათანადო ფორმულაში, ვიღებთ ინდივიდის გარდაცვალების ბიოლოგიურ ასაკს (და არა ასაკობრივ დიაპაზონს), რაც მნიშვნელოვანია სტატისტიკური და პალეოდემოგრაფიული კვლევებისთვის. რენტგენოლოგიურმა მეთოდმა განსაკუთრებით საგულისხმო შედეგები მოგვცა, ზრდასრული და ხანდაზმული ადამიანების ასაკის დადგენისას, რასაც ანთროპოლოგიური მეთოდებით "45-50+" ასაკობრივი კატეგორიით აფასებენ და რომელიც უფრო ზუსტი განსაზღვრის საშუალებას არ იძლევა.
გარდაცვალების ასაკის დაზუსტება კბილების ცვეთის მიხედვით (DWE) შესასწავლი ნიმუშებისათვის სანდო არ არის, რადგან უმეტესობას სიცოცხლეშივე კბილების დაკარგვა აღენიშნება. ამიტომ კბილების ცვეთის მაღალი ხარისხი არ ვლინდება. როგორც ჩანს, ეს დაკავშირებულია სტომატოლოგიურ პათოლოგიებთან.
რაც შეეხება კამერიერეს რენტგენოლოგიურ (CRX) და თავის ქალას ნაკერების შეზრდის კვლევის (LAS) მეთოდებს, მათ შორის აღინიშნება ძალიან კარგი თანხვედრა. ეს შეეხება როგორც ახალგაზრდა (<45 წელზე ) და უფროსი (45+ წელზე) კატეგორიის ინდივიდებს, ასევე ინდივიდუალური ასაკის პირებს.
თავის ქალას ნაკერების შეზრდის მიხედვით (LAS) ხანდაზმულების ასაკი 45+ წლით განისაზღვრა, ხოლო კამერიერეს მეთოდით ამავე კატეგორიის (45+) ინდივიდების ასაკი უფრო მეტად დაზუსტდა. კერძოდ, დადგინდა, რომ გარდაცვლილთა შორის 40-49 და 50-59 წლის ასაკობრივი კატეგორიის პირები 22%-ს, ხოლო 60-69 წლის – 5%-ს შეადგენს.
კვლევებით დადგინდა, რომ გარდაცვლილთა საშუალო ასაკი 40,4 წელს შეადგენს, ხოლო მათ შორის 45 წელზე უფროსი ასაკის ადამიანთა კატეგორია 34,15%-ს. ეს უკანასკნელი მონაცემი უფრო მაღალია, ვიდრე სამეცნიერო ლიტერატურაში აქამდე წარმოდგენილი შესაბამისი პარალელური მასალის შესწავლის საფუძველზე მიღებული მონაცემები.

გვიან ანტიკური – ადრე შუა საუკუნეების საქართველოს მოსახლეობის პალეოდემოგრაფიული ანალიზი

ნინო თავართქილაძე — 2025-01-20

უძველესი მოსახლეობის დემოგრაფიული კვლევა ერთ-ერთი მნიშვნელოვანი და აუცილებელი ამოცანაა მოსახლეობის ბიოარქეოლოგიური რეკონსტრუქციისთვის. კვლევა ფოკუსირებულია საქართველოში გვიან ანტიკური და ადრეული შუა საუკუნეების დემოგრაფიული მახასიათებლების შედარებაზე. ძვლოვანი მასალის გამოყენებით, შედგენილია მოკვდაობის ცხრილები ისეთი პარამეტრების გასაანალიზებლად, როგორიცაა სიცოცხლის საშუალო ხანგრძლივობა, ასაკობრივი განაწილება და სქესის თანაფარდობა. მასალა, რომელიც ეფუძნება კვლევას, დაცულია ივანე ჯავახიშვილის სახელობის ისტორიისა და ეთნოლოგიის ინსტიტუტის ანთროპოლოგიური კვლევის ლაბორატორიაში. გვიან ანტიკური პერიოდიდან სულ წარმოდგენილია 235 თავის ქალა, ხოლო ადრე შუასაუნეებიდან – 357, რომლებიც მოპოვებულია სხვადასხვა არქეოლოგიური ძეგლიდან. კვლევაში ჩართულია პალეოდემოგრაფიული კვლევის მეთოდები, შედგენილია მოკვდაობის ცხრილები, მოსახლეობის სქესობრივ-ასაკობრივი სტრუქტურა და ასევე გამოყენებულია „სიცოცხლის ცხრილი“. მოკვდაობის ცხრილების საფუძველზე გამოთვლილია კაცების და ქალების სიცოცხლის ხანგრძლივობის საშუალო ასაკი, ასევე სხვადასხვა ასაკობრივ ჯგუფში გარდაცვლილი მოსახლეობის პროცენტული განაწილება, სქესთა შეფარდება. დემოგრაფიული კვლევისთვის სტატისტიკური ანალიზიდან ყველაზე ინფორმატიული არის სიცოცხლის ცხრილი. სიცოცხლის ცხრილი შემუშავებულია სხვადასხვა მკვლევრების მიერ. სიცოცხლის ცხრილი წარმოადგენს ასაკობრივ მაჩვენებელთა სისტემას, რომლებიც ზომავენ მოკვდაობის დონეს, სიცოცხლის ხანგრძლივობას და სხვა. არსებული მონაცემების შეჯერების ფონზე დგინდება, რომ გვიან ანტიკური ხანის მოსახლეობა უფრო დიდხანს ცხოვრობდა, ვიდრე ადრე შუა საუკუნეების. როგორც გვიან ანტიკურ, ასევე ადრე შუა საუკუნეებში მამაკაცების რაოდენობა ბევრად ჭარბობს ქალებისას. ჩვენს ხელთ არსებული განათხარი მასალით, გვიან ანტიკურ ხანაში 61,7 პროცენტს (145 ინდივიდი) მამაკაცები, ხოლო 36,5 პროცენტს (86 ინდივიდი) ქალები შეადგენენ. ხოლო 1,7% შეადგენენ ბავშვები. რაც შეეხება ადრე შუა საუკუნეების საქართველოს მოსახლეობას – 60% მამაკაცს განეკუთვნება, ხოლო 37,5% ქალბატონს. მხოლოდ 2,5% შეადგენენ ბავშვები.
ადრეულ შუა საუკუნეებში მოსახლეობა უფრო მცირე იყო, სიკვდილიანობის მაღალი მაჩვენებლებით, განსაკუთრებით რეპროდუქციული ასაკის ქალებში. სიცოცხლის საშუალო ხანგრძლივობა 42,7 წლამდე შემცირდა, რაც მიუთითებს უფრო მძიმე საცხოვრებელ პირობებზე გვიან ანტიკურ პერიოდთან შედარებით. შედარებითი ანალიზი ცხადყოფს, რომ გვიან ანტიკურ ხანაში უფრო ხელსაყრელი გარემო იყო სიცოცხლის ხანგრძლივობისთვის, შესაძლოა ისეთი ფაქტორების გამო, როგორიცაა ვაჭრობა, პოლიტიკური სტაბილურობა და სასოფლო-სამეურნეო პრაქტიკა.

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სპარსულ-აქემენიდური ხუროთმოძღვრების ახლადაღმოჩენილი ძეგლი სამხრეთ კავკასიაში

იულონ გაგოშიძე — 2025-01-20

XX საუკუნის მეორე ნახევარში დასავლეთ აზერბაიჯანში (სარითეფე), ჩრდილოეთ სომხეთსა (ბენიამინი) და აღმოსავლეთ საქართველოში (გუმბათი, კავთისხევის ციხიაგორა) არქეოლოგიური გათხრების შედეგად გამოვლენილი სპარსულ-აქემენიდური მონუმენტური ხუროთმოძღვრების ძეგლების ერთობლიობა საშუალებას იძლეოდა გვემსჯელა ძვ. წ. V-IV საუკუნეებში აქემენიდური კულტურის ძლიერი გავლენის შესახებ სამხრეთ კავკასიაში. მაგრამ 2006-2023 წლებში ყარაჯამირლიში (აზერბაიჯანი) და ალაზნის ველზე – გუმბათ/სააქლემოში (საქართველო) არქეოლოგიური გათხრების შედეგებმა ცხადი გახადა, რომ შეიძლება ვისაუბროთ არამარტო სპარსულ-აქემენიდურ გავლენაზე, არამედ სპარსელების ყოფნაზე სამხრეთ კავკასიაში.
სააქლემო/გუმბათის და სარითეფეს სვეტებიანი სასახლეები თითქმის თანაბარი მანძილებით (60-100 კმ.) არის დაშორებული ყარაჯამირლისგან, რაც ძალაუნებურად გვაფიქრებინებს ტერიტორიის დაყოფაზე ადმინისტრაციულ-საგამგეო ერთეულებად: ყარაჯამირლი თუ სატრაპის რეზიდენცია იყო, სააქლემო/გუმბათი და სარითეფე ამ სატრაპიის პროვინციების ცენტრები შეიძლება ყოფილიყო (ჰეროდოტეს მიხედვით XI სატრაპია [Hdt.III.92]).
კახეთში, ალაზნის ველზე აქამდე აღმმოჩენილი ყველა აქემენიდური მონუმენტური ნაგებობა მდინარე ალაზნის მარჯვენა სანაპიროზე მდებარეობს. ამ ცოტა ხნის წინ ერთი ასეთი ძეგლი ალაზნის მარცხენა სანაპიროზეც გამოვლინდა. ლაგოდეხის მუნიციპალიტეტის, სოფელ ჭაბუკიანის სამხრეთით დაახლოებით 5 კილომეტრში, ალაზნის ჭალაში, ბრინჯაოს ხანის ყორღანის დაბრტყელებულ მწვერვალზე შავი არქეოლოგების მიერ გათხრილ ორმოში აღმოჩნდა კირქვისგან გამოთლილი ზარისებური ბაზისი. ჭაბუკიანის ბაზისს სარითეფეს, გუმბათის, ბენიამინის და ყარაჯამირლის ზარისებური ბაზისებისგან განსხვავებით უფრო გართულებული ორნამენტი აქვს და ზუსტად ისეთივეა, როგორიც სააქლემოს ბაზისები (სააქლემო რადიოკარბონული დათარიღებით ძვ. წ. 400 წელზე უფრო ადრეულია). სპარსულ აქემენიდური ზარისებური ბაზისების ბურკჰარდტ ვეზენბერგისეული კლასიფიკაციით გამოყოფილია ოთხი ტიპი. ჭაბუკიანისა და სააქლემოს ბაზისები გარკვეულ მსგავსებას იჩენენ მის C და D ტიპებთან, მაგრამ ვფიქრობთ მაინც მათგან განხვავებულ (მეხუთე) ტიპად უნდა იქნენ მიჩნეულნი.
სამხრეთ კავკასიაში აქამდე ცნობილი ყველა სპარსულ-აქემენიდური ნაგებობა ველზეა განლაგებული. ჭაბუკიანის ბაზა კი გორის (ყორღანის) წვერზე აღმოჩნდა, რაც საფუძველს იძლევა ვივარაუდოთ, რომ მას შეიძლება საკულტო ფუნქცია ჰქონდა.

ანტეფიქსები უკანტოლოშის ეკლესიიდან

ქეთევან დიღმელაშვილი — 2025-01-20

The 24 antefixes were unearthed in 2022-2023 during the cleaning work of the St. Marine Ukantoloshi Church located in the village of Toloshi in the municipality of Aspindza. This is the second time that antefixes of such a number have been discovered on the archaeological site in Georgia.
Ukantoloshi antefixes are the folded part of the channel tiles, which were placed at the bottom of the roof and symbolically and stylistically completed the facades. The reliefs are engraved on them: on thirteen antefixes, there is a composition featuring a lion, a rosette, and a cross, which may symbolize Christ. On three antefixes a holy man is presented frontally with a cross in his hand; on five antefixes, we see a holy horseman; on one antefix there is a cross, on another, a mesh ornament, and one antefix lacks representation. Unfortunately, it is impossible to precisely define who is represented as the horseman or holy man. However, according to some iconographic signs, they might represent Saint George and Saint Theodore. The first two antefixes with images do not have analogues.
The Ukantoloshi antefixes, with their distinct shapes, structures, content, and relief styles, must have been crafted by different artisans, yet during the same era and in the same location. They must have been made in 9^th-10^th centuries, but for their dating it is necessary to consider the date of the temple.
The Ukantoloshi Church is a single-nave building with two annexes on the north and west, built concurrently with the main structure. With stylistic signs and multiple existing parallels, the church might have been erected in the 10^th century. In the Late Middle Ages, after the temple was deconstructed, the surviving Western annex was converted into a chapel. Antefixes have been uncovered on the western and southern perimeters of the temple, indicating that the northern side, the temple’s main facade, must have had similar decorations. The antefixes found on the perimeter were not incorporated into the roof at different times, but were installed simultaneously, creating a symbolically thought-out decoration of the temple facades.

ეგრისის პოლიტიკური და სავაჭრო ურთიერთობის ისტორიიდან VI-VIII საუკუნეებში ნოქალაქევში გამოვლენილი ტანსაცმლის აქსესუარების (ქამრის ბალთები, აბზინდები, საკიდები და შესაკრავები) მიხედვით

ბესიკ ლორთქიფანიძე — 2025-01-20

Since 1973, the Nokalakevi archaeological expedition has discovered various types of buckles, clasps and pins dating back to the Early Middle Ages. Most of them were found on the lower terrace of the site, inside the fortification and only one artifact (N12-974:6802) outside of the east walls in the 30 meter. Most of the artifacts were unearthed from buildings, cultural layers and burials dated back to the Early Middle Ages. Nine of them are preserved at the Georgian National Museum, S. Janashia Georgian State Museum’s Middle Ages collection, at the Academic Parmen Zaqaraia West Georgia’s storage room.
Only one artifact was unearthed in the burial located in the South annex of The Forty Martyrs Church. The artifact is preserved at the Parmen Zakaraia Nokalakevi Architectural-Archaeological Museum-Reserve.
In this article, we present comprehensive research. Every artifact is described and has a registration number, year and location of discovery. Every artifact has its local and international analogy, their chronology and origin are determined by stratigraphic data and laboratory research, additionally, dates are received by comparative chronology from other artifacts.
The production and distribution area of the buckles and other materials found in the Nokalakevi settlement are extensive and cover the territory of the Byzantine Empire (Asia Minor, Anatolia etc.) north Black Sea, north Caucasus, Eurasian Steppes, Danube and Volga region. It is fascinating how these artifacts appeared in Nokalakevi. We discuss two versions: in the Kingdom of Egrisi and particularly in the capital, the Byzantine army was settled and diverse types of people served in the army. Written sources provide interesting information about the ethnic composition of the Byzantine army. It is well known that the Byzantine army included not only Southern Caucasians – Iberian, Laz, Zans and Armenians, but also Syrians, Thracians, Slavs, Germans (such as Guts, Heruli, etc.), and soldiers of Turkish origin. It appears that the analogues of these artifacts were widespread among the people who lived in the Eurasian Steppe (mostly Turkish-speaking population), which expresses the political and economic relationship between the Egrisi kingdom and the Eurasian Steppe.

ახალი არქეოლოგიური აღმოჩენები ქვემო ქართლში

ბიძინა მურვანიძე — 2025-01-20

In connection with new construction in 2020, the expedition of the National Museum of Georgia (led by B. Murvanidze) traced the remains of buildings constructed from large mud bricks and a mound of roof tiles on the right bank of the Kura River, two kilometers south of the confluence with the Algeti River, near the present village of Meore Kesalo (Tab. I_1-3). At this location, an ornamental stone was once present (Tab. II₁), and ornamental stone details were subsequently discovered (Tab. II_2-4).
In 2023, the expedition of the National Museum of Georgia carried out smallscale excavations at the site. These excavations revealed a substantial mud brick complex with walls 1.50 meters wide. Numerous flat and grooved tiles were uncovered (Tabs. III-VII). Although only a small portion of the site has been excavated to date, preliminary findings suggest that the complex was a sizable building featuring multiple rooms, corridors, exits, and a courtyard.
The expedition recovered a decorative architectural detail from the river (Tabs. II₁, IX₁). During excavations at the site where the aforementioned stone once stood, additional decorative details were discovered (Tab. IX_2-7). The complex appears to have been destroyed by a severe fire, as evidenced by fire damage on the walls, floors, plaster, and stone architectural details.
The tiles uncovered during the excavations closely resemble those from Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (3^rd-4^th centuries) of Eastern Georgia. The decorative elements of the architectural stone details are comparable to the decoration of the capitals (Bolnisi Sioni, 5^th century) and steles (Kazreti Stele, 6^th century) of the early Christian churches of Kvemo Kartli. These parallels suggest that the complex was already in use during the 5^th-6^th centuries.
Determining the precise purpose of the building remains challenging. However, given its large and monumental scale and the significant material and human resources invested in its construction, it is undoubtedly an important site. It is likely that the complex served as the residence or palace of a noble or eristavi, though this remains a preliminary assumption subject to further research.
A child’s burial was found within the mud brick wall of the complex (Tab. VIII₈). The deceased was interred with a bead that, based on parallel materials, dates to the 12^th-13^th centuries (Tab. VIII_9-13). This indicates that in the 12^th-13^th centuries, and possibly even earlier, in the 11^th century, the site was burnt and destroyed and repurposed as a burial ground.
The destruction of the complex near Meore Kesalo is likely linked to the Arab invasions of the 9^th-10^th centuries. During this period, Arab campaigns were largely driven by the defection of Tbilisi emirs from the Caliphate. Notably, in 852-854 and 914, Arab campaigns towards Kartli traversed the right bank of the Kura River, the same area where the complex is located.

სიახლეები ქართულ ეპიგრაფიკაში

გიორგი გაგოშიძე — 2025-01-20

Examples of Georgian epigraphy preserved at the Simon Janashia State Museum of Georgia have been investigated in the frame of the project ‘Samples of Georgian Epigraphy from the Depositories of the Georgian National Museum’ (#FR-21-5320) funded by LEPL Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation of Georgia. The article looks at four more or less known inscriptions kept in the museum and I think the scholarly community will find my interpretation of reading of the inscriptions interesting. The inscriptions are discussed in chronological order.

GSM-732, base of a stela (75x75x67 cm), Damblutis Khevi (turn of the 6^th-7^th cc).

In 1968, a stone base of a stela was discovered in the interior of an early medieval church excavated in the village-site located at Damblutis Khevi, Dmanisi Municipality (archaeologist V. Japaridze). On the top it has a hole for accommodating a stela, and its side – northern facet features a badly damaged three-line asomtavruli inscription. The inscription was studied by historian N. Shoshiashvili. According to his reading, the text of the inscription says about having mercy on those who erected the cross. The beginning of the first line of the inscription is damaged; the second line provides a female name ‘Sandukht’, and the inscription reads as follows: [Jesus Christ, have mercy on someone] and Sandukht and their children who erected this cross, amen’. The name ‘Sandukht’ is unknown to Georgian onomasticon, while it was popular in Armenia. St. Queen Sandukht, the first Armenian female martyr, was the daughter of King Sanatruk of Armenia and a disciple of St. Thaddeus the Apostle (see: Movses Khorenatsi, ‘History of Armenia’). St. Sandukht is not recognized as a saint of the Chalcedonic church. The turn of the 6^th-7^th centuries, which is a presumable date of making the base of Dambluti, is the time when the schism between Georgian and Armenian churches was in its final phase. In my opinion, around this period it was still possible to give a Georgian noble woman the name of an Armenian saint, or it can be presumed that the inscription on the base mentions ethnically Armenian Sandukht married to a Georgian nobleman.

GSM-292, a hewn stone of the church masonry (96x52x14 cm) with a nineline inscription; origin unknown (1163).

The beginning of the accurately dated asomtavruli inscription is lost. The first surviving word is a female name ‘Tinatin’, which is clearly visible in the copy made by me. The following part of the inscription is read in the same way as it is in the catalog published in 1953 by A. Bakradze and S. Bolkvadze. In the inscription the donor implores the future owner of the church not to disturb his grave. Presumably, Tinatin was the owner of the church, i.e., a high-ranking secular figure, probably widowed and childless, as there is no mention of a husband or a child in the extant part of the inscription. The inscription is accompanied by an accurate date – the year 1163, which is the period of the reign of King Giorgi III (1156-1185) and as yet the earliest evidence of the name ‘Tinatin’. The inscription on the tympanum of the door of Lisi Tskhrakara (Kareli Municipality, The Ozhora Gorge, presently an occupied territory), dating to the 13^th century, mentions a Tinatin along with other names. There is no doubt that ‘Tinatin’, the name of the daughter of King Rostevan of Arabia and the main character of Rustaveli’s ‘The Knight in the Panther’s Skin’, was pretty popular at the time the poem was written (second half of the 12^th century).

GSM – 680, 681; Vanis Kvabebi, inscription on the tympanum of the door.

The inscription was discovered as a result of the archaeological excavations carried out at Vanis Kvabebi in 1954. It was first published by art historian G. Gaprindashvili. The inscription mentions the grand duke of Tmogvi, whose cryptic name is Smchm. The inscription dates to the final years of the thirteenth century – prior to 1283. The huge earthquake which occurred in 1283 destroyed the monastery of Vanis Kvabebi, which means that the church could not have been built following this calamity. From the beginning of the 13^th century, successors of Varam, son of Zakaria, the second branch of the Mkhargrdzelis owned the city-fortress of Tmogvi, situated near Vanis Kvabebi and the monastery was also under their ownership. They probably possessed Tmogvi Fortress and the monastery till the end of the 13^th, or the beginning of the 14^th century, while from the second half of the century rulers of Tmogvi left Javakheti to settle down in Kartli.
Ruins of a domed church were excavated on the territory of Tmogvi Fortress in 1988, which yielded a twelve-line inscription (the inscription is kept at Simon Janashia State Museum of Georgia). The inscription says that the church is dedicated to St. Marine and was built in 1303 by a Saminam. Sources provide no information about a historical person of this name, but he was definitely an owner of Tmogvi Fortress. In my opinion, the ‘Smchm’, documented in the inscription of Vanis Kvabebi and the ‘Saminam’ of the church of St. Marine are the same person. Georgian epigraphic monuments reveal cases when asomtavruli and nuskhuri graphemes ‘n’ and ‘ch’ are mistakenly written due to their similar outline. I consider that there should be ‘Smnm’ instead of ‘Smchm’ in the inscription of Vanis Kvabebi. Apparently, Saminam is one of the last rulers of the feudal house of Mkhargrdzelis who owned Tmogvi Fortress.

კავკასიის ერთიან გეოკულტურულ სივრცედ გააზრება ანტიკურ მწერლობაში

ვალერიან ვაშაკიძე — 2025-01-20

The term “Caucasus” (or “Caucasos”) as a geopolitical concept in its modern sense began to take shape in the 19^th century, although the name itself appears in ancient sources. Since the relations between the Greco-Roman world and the Caucasus occurred in several stages and the knowledge of ancient authors about the region gradually deepened over time, the content of the term itself also changed. For example, if in the works of Hecataeus of Miletus and Aeschylus, “Caucasus” referred to a specific mountain or ridge, by the time of Herodotus, however, the term described a mountain system, “the most extensive and the highest”, with branches covering a broad area inhabited by several tribes. Later, the campaign of Alexander the Great in Asia, the expansion of the Roman Empire to the east, the wars of Mithridates VI Eupator, or the Roman-Parthian conflict, further contributed to the collection of diverse information about the Caucasus and the peoples inhabiting it in Greek and Latin writings.
This work aims to determine when the term “Caucasus” came to represent a specific geocultural space and, to the extent possible, to define its geographical boundaries. A study of Greek and Latin texts reveals that Strabo was the first among ancient authors to recognize “Caucasus” (or “Caucasos”) as a unified geocultural region. According to his “Geography”, Strabo defined the north-western and western border of the Caucasus as stretching along the Black Sea coast from Gorgippia (modern-day Anapa) to Trapezus (modern-day Trabzon). The eastern border extended along the Caspian Sea coast from the easternmost part of the Caucasus Range to the confluence of the Mtkvari River. To the north, the Caucasus was bounded by a strip of steppe stretching between the Caspian and Black Seas. The southern border followed an imaginary line from the mouth of the Mtkvari River to the Black Sea, proceeded along the mountains of Moskhs and Colchs to the residence of the Tibarenians, and abutted the Black Sea along the coast of Colchis, likely near Trabzon. The same author clearly notes that many ethnic groups (specifically seventy according to his “Geography”) inhabited the Caucasus, encompassing “all Caucasians”. For Strabo, the “Caucasus” (or “Caucasos”) was a unified geocultural space with clearly defined boundaries, inhabited by a diverse array of Caucasian peoples.

დასავლეთ საქართველოს მმართველთა იტინერარები IX-X საუკუნეებში

ალექსანდრე თვარაძე — 2025-01-20

The article discusses individual examples of itineraries of the rulers of Western Georgia, the kings of Abkhazeti (Abkhazia), during the 9^th-10^th centuries to Kartli, Kakheti, and Hereti, according to the accounts of the chronicle “Matʼiane Kartlisa”. In connection with K’onstantine III’s campaign in Hereti the inscription from the Church of St. George in Eredvi have also been considered. I examined the itineraries of the rulers, focusing on important aspects of their travel. For example, considerations regarding the speed of movement of the king and his cortege in the Early Middle Ages are presented. Based on the available information, it can be inferred that for the kings of Abkhazeti, among the roads connecting Kartli and Western Georgia, the route north of the Rikoti Pass (including its branches) was a priority. By evaluating the duration and frequency of stays, we can infer whether the ruler spent more time in the capital or other locations. This analysis also helps identify which royal residence or abode might have been more significant to the king.
The article analyzes data related to K’onstantine III’s campaign into Hereti (which took place some years after the 914 military expedition of Abul Kasim in Georgia), as well as his return. The inscription at the Church of St. George in Eredvi, made immediately after the campaign of K’onstantine III, reveals that King K’onstantine participated in a dawn prayer at Alaverdi and was in the village of Bredza by dusk. This inscription suggests that the king may have also taken part in an evening prayer. The evidence indicates that King K’onstantine traveled from Kakheti’s Alaverdi Monastery to Bredza – located at the start of the road to Western Georgia – in a single day. This journey is presumably one of the fastest recorded for early medieval rulers.
For his campaign into Kakheti and Hereti, and his return, the king likely used a route similar to the modern Jinvali-Tianeti-Akhmeta road. After the siege of the fortress of Vejini, K’onstantine sent the bulk of his army by a different, outer road. This detail indirectly supports Eredvi’s inscription’s account of the king’s swift journey, presumably with a relatively small retinue. The king’s rapid return suggests immediate reasons, such as the need to organize a second campaign into Hereti or to undertake additional measures. However, this journey may also have had symbolic significance. During the campaign against Hereti, after the division of the united country, the ruler of Western Georgia appeared for the first time in the extreme eastern part of Georgia; by traveling from the easternmost part up to the beginning of the road to Western Georgia in a single day, the king seemed to unify the country’s diverse regions. In this respect, the ride might also be understood as a claim to power on the whole territory of the country. Additionally, the king’s travel possibly highlights a religious unity: peace was reportedly established with the ruler of Hereti on Easter Friday, and the King of Abkhazeti and the Chorepiscopus of Kakheti likely made a pilgrimage to Alaverdi Monastery together. The king’s swift journey may have occurred during Easter or shortly thereafter.

ნიგალის ხეობა დედასამშობლოსთან დაბრუნების შემდეგ (1878-1921 წწ.)

როინ მალაყმაძე — 2025-01-20

After the successful end of the Russo-Ottoman war of 1877-1878, along with other historical provinces, Nigali Gorge was returned to the united Georgian territory as part of Klarjeti. Administratively, it was incorporated into the Artvin Okrug. Later, the territory was divided into two parts. One part was included in Batumi Okrug, and the other remained within the Artvin Okrug.
The tax system, military obligations, etc. were unbearable for the local population. Each year, Ottoman agents attempted to provoke migration, which was facilitated by the actions of Russian officials.
In 1879, a large part of the population was evicted due to the entry of the Russian army into the Murghuli Gorge, part of the Nigali Gorge, and the dissatisfaction caused by their arbitrariness. The condition of the Muhajirs was quite difficult. Some migrants could not survive the journey and died on the way. Those who arrived to the destination had to live in difficult conditions. Some were dying of hunger and cold. To obtain food, they sent trusted individuals to their estates, where they gathered assistance in the form of money and supplies. Some of the exiles began to return.
The ruling circles did not care about the population’s resettlement. On the contrary, they often facilitated this process. The people who came from Ajara and Imereti often settled on the lands abandoned by the Muhajirs in the Murghuli Gorge, and were welcomed by the residents who remained on the spot.
According to our field materials, most of those who migrated from the villages of the Nigali gorge later settled in Bursa, Inegol, Adabazar, Izmit and other cities. Today, their descendants are scattered in different cities and villages of Turkey, who remember their ethnic origin well and talk passionately about their original place of residence.
After the war of 1877-1878, relative tranquility ensued, and the effects soon became evident. To some extent, city life was revived, agriculture and trade were promoted, and construction activities became widespread. Attention was paid to the detection and study of natural resources. The copper-rich deposit of the village of Dzansuli in the Murghuli Gorge, as well as the deposits of Khodi in the Kholdursu gorge above Artvin, and the deposits of the village of Kvartskhani, were especially distinguished. The foundation was laid for ore mining industry. Initially, there was no ore processing plant at the site. The mined ore was transported to the village of Erge via the Chorokhi River and overland, where a copper smelter operated from 1889-1890. In the following years, copper smelters were constructed closer to the ore mining sites in Khodi, Dzansuli and Kvartskhani.
The growth in population and trade caused by the development of mining, accelerated the formation of urban settlements such as Borchkha, Dzansuli, Murghuli. The city of Artvin was one of the main trade centers in the Nigali Gorge. Both local and foreign merchants regularly gathered there.
After returning to the motherland, cultural and educational life began to revive in Nigali Gorge. Promoting literacy in the Georgian language became a priority, with significant contributions from Akhmed Khalvashi and Iv. Jaiani. The latter spent several years in Borchkha and taught local children to read and write in Georgian. In this regard, the role of Z. Chichinadze is also important.
Under the leadership of Akhmed Khalvashi, the first Georgian primary school was established in 1884, where both Georgian and Russian were taught.
Akhmed’s son Harun Effend Khalvashi was also interested in the education of the youth from Maradidi. After his father’s death, he personally funded a Georgian language teacher, but the local residents, dissatisfied with the previous Russian teacher’s unfavorable conduct, refused to send their children to the school, except for the Khalvashi family.
Despite living in the Ottoman Empire, the Georgian spoken language was still viable. The population mainly preserved Georgian traditions, customs, and most importantly, the native Georgian language. The role of the local women was significant in this regard.
The life of the gorge was severely affected by the First World War. The gorge became an arena of war. Military operations were also conducted in the Nigali Gorge.
The political result was also severe. Under the Treaty of Kars, the upper part of the Nigali Gorge (Beghlevani, Chkhali, Murghuli, Klaskuri, Devskeli and other gorges) was ceded to Turkey along with Ardagan Okrug and other districts. The lower part of the gorge remained within the borders of Georgia with its villages: Kirnati, Kvemo Maradidi, Gvara – incorporated into the Kirnati community by administrative-territorial division, while the villages of Mirveti and Machakhlispiri ascribed to it, were assigned to the Acharistskali rural community.

ხეთური „გილგამეშიანი“

ირინე ტატიშვილი — 2025-01-20

The Epic of Gilgamesh, an epic poem from ancient Mesopotamia, is often cited as the oldest known piece of literature with an indubitably long history stretching across 17 centuries (from about 1750 to 100 BC) and a wide area of distribution: the cuneiform texts, describing the exploits of Gilgamesh, the protagonist of the epic, have been revealed not only among the ruins of Assyria and Babylon, but also in different regions of the ancient Middle East – in Anatolia, Ugarit, Emar and Megiddo. Next to two Akkadian versions, the manuscripts in Hurrian and Hittite have been also discovered at the Hittite capital Hattusa (present-day Boğazköy). As G. Beckman has rightly noticed, the archaeological excavations at Hattusa have yielded more textual material for Gilgamesh than is known from all other Late Bronze Age sites combined. Opinions differ, however, regarding the place the Epic of Gilgamesh would have been held in the Hittite culture: was it solely used in scribal instruction, or did it also serve as a literary work among the Hittite “elite”? Also controversial is the question about the origins of the Hittite version of the Gilgamesh Epic, whether it is a text reflecting an oral tradition or an independent composition that is not based on earlier Akkadian (or Hurrian) texts. One thing is indisputable: the texts written in Akkadian, Hurrian, and Hittite languages found in Boğazköy are of great importance for the reconstruction of the development of the Gilgamesh epic, since these texts include the material of the period which is quite fragmented and sparsely preserved in the Mesopotamian tradition itself. Moreover, the Hittite version is the only source that can be used to fill a gap in Tablet V of the final, “canonical,” version of the epic. In addition to what has been said, studying the textual material from Boğazköy related to the Gilgamesh Epic could shed light on the spread of narrative traditions in the ancient Near East and their contacts with the Greek epic tradition.
The present article contains the first Georgian translation of the three tablets (CTH 341.III.1, III.2, III.3) representing the Hittite version of the Epic of Gilgamesh.

მაჩხანის ბილინგვა და მონოლინგვა

ირაკლი ფაღავა — 2025-01-20

Epigraphic monuments constitute valuable primary sources of information on the history of Arab dominance in Georgia. Our goal was to revisit the Georgian-Arabic bilingue and Georgian monolingue incised on the walls of Machkhani church, in the vicinity of modern Tbilisi, i.e. Tiflīs, the center of Arab dominions in medieval Georgia. Both lapidary inscriptions have already been analyzed and published by Akaki Shanidze, Giorgi Tsereteli, Giorgi Chubinashvili, Teimuraz Barnaveli, Leon Melikset-Beg, Korneli Danelia and Zurab Sarjveladze, etc.; nevertheless, de visu study (producing the paleographic copies included) in February 2023 let us ascertain some significant details. Reconsidering the available data we inferred the following: 1) Paleographic analysis dates the bilingue to the 10^th c., or even early 11^th c., dismissing the previous dating to mid-9^th c.; 2) Apparently being contemporary to constructing works, the bilingue dates the Machkhani church to the same time period, refuting its architectural features as dating tool for establishing the chronology of similar edifices; 3) The Machkhani church was constructed by permission of Emir of Tiflīs, illustrating the confessional policy of and in the Emirate of Tiflīs; 4) The bilingue and monolingue were carved by different artisans, perhaps in the same epoch, but possibly even decades apart; unfortunately, the third inscription (or a relief?) was destroyed; 5) The contents of the Georgian monolingue remain partially undeciphered; however, it became clear, that no “City Emir Ghyavar” was mentioned, and hence existed; 6) Humad b. Bashīr and Homad / Humad K’it’risdze mentioned correspondingly in the Arabic and Georgian parts of the bilingue were the same person, Humad son of Bashir K’it’risdze, fl. in the 10^th c. or early 11^th c., and being unrelated to Al-Qiṭrīj, the patrikios of Gardman, fl. in 853. This person was not the Emir of Tiflīs but rather local official or feudal ruling in the Dighomi valley. Having Arabic ism and nasab, Humad son of Bashir K’it’risdze was clearly and understandably affected by Arab culture; nevertheless, it is remarkable, that the bilingue carved on the wall of a church in several kilometers from Tiflīs is mostly in Georgian. The bilingue elucidates one more medieval Georgian (perhaps islamized) noble family, serving the Emirate of Tiflīs, the K’it’risdzes; presumably one of the many integrated into the hierarchy and administrative system of this Muslim-Georgian state.

ქართველ ებრაელთა თემისა და ქართულ-ებრაული ურთიერთობების უცნობი დეტალები მიკელე მემბრეს (XVI ს.) ცნობების მიხედვით

თეა ქარჩავა — 2025-01-20

The presented article refers to the understanding of specific passages from the 16^th century Cypriot Venetian, Michele Membre’s “Relation”. Membre’s essay, besides its main goal (gathering detailed information about the Safavids for Venice governing circles), allows us to justify some statements about the Georgian states in a new way in the context of European-Eastern relations, it also clarifies some facts or makes new assumptions, including Georgian-Jewish co-existence.
Membre, sent as a secret convey to establish an alliance against the Ottomans, changed his route and had to enter Iran through a detour, so he ended up in Georgia. Membre, who came from Kafa by sea, disguised himself as a Greek merchant and visited the important territory of both western and eastern Georgia. The author is a sharp-eyed, neutral observer, who offers a scrupulous description of what he has seen rather than an evaluation-analysis of events. However, since all aspects of public life are in the field of interest of the risky and smart agent, the information he collected is quite complex.
The part of the report, which concerns Georgia, sheds light on the circumstances of the structure of Georgian society in the 16^thcentury; and what markers of identity the people of different ethnic groups living in Georgia had at that time. Besides, by comparison with the local material, it allows us to identify Georgian settlements, referred to as places of silk trade in Western Georgia. According to the author, it is represented by a significant Jewish community together with a small Georgian population. No other source of that period (besides provided by Michele Membre) is aware of such a detailed description of the economic potential of the trading places in Georgia, and the effects caused by it on the society. Thanks to him, a very impressive picture of our country of the 16^th century will unfold before the eyes of the reader – Georgia is identified as a country that supplies raw silk and, at the same time, there is a clear reference to the vicious practice of the slave trade in the Black Sea region in the late Middle Ages, which gained more influence under conditions of reinforcement of the Ottomans.
It is noteworthy that from the perspective of an European author, Georgia is depicted as a tolerant and multicultural country. From Membre’s writings, it can be observed that Jews, Armenians and Trabzonites live practically in all cities of Georgia, and they also own real estates. It is particularly interesting that the village-type settlement, which is visited by merchants from different parts of Georgia and outside its borders during the market time, is quite multi-ethnic even after it is emptied of guests (Megrelians, Greeks from Chios, Venetians, and a substantial Jewish community live there).
On the example of the same settlement, Membre informs us of a very interesting fact, that is not found in other Georgian or European sources; namely, about Megrelians who were raised as Jews by the Jewish community living here. Therefore, the mentioned passage from Membre’s relazione (based on comparison with Georgian material) allows us to make interesting assumptions about the author’s misunderstanding of the tradition of adoption among the Megrelians, as well as the probability of infusing the Georgian elements in the Jewish community.

რუსეთის საეკლესიო პოლიტიკა საქართველოში და ქართულ-ოსური ურთიერთობების ეთნოპოლიტიკური კონტექსტი XIX საუკუნეში

ხათუნა ქოქრაშვილი — 2025-01-20

From the beginning of the 19^th century, the intensive expansion and colonial policy implemented by Russia in Georgia created a special situation in the mountainous region of Shida Kartli, a historical-geographical region of eastern Georgia, which became an area of Georgian-Ossetian relations as a result of migrations.
The political and demographic situation in the region enhanced Georgian-Ossetian confrontation and alienation. Church, missionary and religious policy played an important role in forming the political reality and Georgian-Ossetian relations desirable for the empire.
The research aims to show the ethnopolitical context of the ecclesiastical rule of the Russian Empire in Georgia in the first half of the 19^th century in the case of the mountainous part of Shida Kartli; to evaluate the influence of Russia’s religious policy, missionary Organizations and ecclesiastical-administrative system on the formation of Georgian-Ossetian relations; to show how the ethnic terminology gained political connotation and the role that Russian church policy played in this respect.
At the beginning of the 19^th century, the Georgian national liberation movement and the anti-Russian struggle for regaining state independence were also supported by the Ossetian population of Shida Kartli; this meant that they approved of vassalage and loyalty to the Georgian state. From the 1820s-30s, Russian authorities started changing their policy towards the Ossetians in this region: they tried to turn the confronted anti-Russian forces into allies. Russia’s religious and ecclesiastical-administrative policy carried out in the highlands of Shida Kartli provided for the enhancement of the Ossetian unity on the territory of Georgia, the formation of new borders, changing of toponymic lexis and igniting Georgian-Ossetian confrontation.
The establishment of the „Eparchy of Ossetia“ (1814-1818) – an ecclesiastical-administrative unit – in the highlands of Shida Kartli, under which a missionary Organization „Ossetian Ecclesiastical Commission“ started operating, encouraged creation of new imaginary borders.
In 1843, the creation of an administrative-political unit – „Ossetian Okrug“ – actually legitimized new borders and established the toponym „Ossetia“ on the territory of Georgia. Implementation of such policy in the border region led to the loss of the territory of Dvaleti, a historical province of Georgia: in 1859, „Ossetian Okrug“ was deprived of the district of Nari (Dvaleti) and, at first, annexed it to the „Military Okrug of Ossetia“, created in the North Caucasus, and then to the „Terek Oblast“; later, the Soviet authority united it with „North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic“ (1924).
The term „South Ossetia“ was first applied concerning the territories of Shida Kartli that were inhabited by Ossetians in 1830 by the newspaper „Tiflisskie Vedomosti“ (Tiflis Gazette); however, in the 1860es of the 19^th century formally it was first mentioned in the reports of a missionary Organization the „Society for Restoration of Orthodox Christianity in the Caucasus“, which was founded after the abolishment of „Ossetian Ecclesiastical Commission“. This laid the grounds for establishing a toponymic pair – „North Ossetia“ and „South Ossetia“.
Thus, one can identify the role of Russia’s church and religious policy in establishing the terms „Ossetia“, „Eparchy of Ossetia“, „Ossetian Okrug“, and „South Ossetia“ with respect to the territories of Georgia, namely those of Shida Kartli. Initially, this terminology was established through ecclesiastical-administrative and missionary policy, which was later consolidated employing political-administrative Reorganization. In order to enhance its influence and form new borders, the Russian Empire successfully incorporated the religious factor as a ‘non-violent’ instrument of gaining power and influence.
The toponymic lexicon of Shida Kartli Highland areas established during the Tsar’s Russia – „Ossetia“, „Eparchy of Ossetia“, „Ossetian Okrug“, and „South Ossetia“ – was transformed in the new political reality in occupied and Sovietized Georgia at the beginning of the 20^th century as „South Ossetian Autonomous Oblast of the Georgian SSR“ (1922).
The introduction of these terms in Georgian onomastics was an ethnopolitical and toponymic attack. The policy of Tsarist Russia laid the groundwork for the territorial claims of Ossetians in Georgia as early as the 19^th century, with consequences that later manifested as ethno-conflicts in modern times. Presently, a certain part of Shida Kartli (Tskhinvali region/former South Ossetian Autonomous Oblast of Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic) is the zone of ethnic conflict and is beyond the control of the Georgian authorities.

კრესონი, ტაშისკარი და დმანისი: ცხენოსანთა შოკური შეტევა ქმედებაში

მამუკა წურწუმია — 2025-01-20

The present paper discusses the effectiveness of mounted shock combat through the analysis of three battles. On May 1, 1187, near Nazareth, at the springs of Cresson, 130 crusader knights, accompanied by a small number of infantry, launched a fierce attack against an adversary 15 times their size. Despite their initial success, they were eventually defeated by the Muslims. In December 1260, Sargis Jaq’eli’s vanguard attacked a force of Mongols four times larger than their own in the vicinity of Tashisk’ari, resulting in a victorious outcome. Subsequently, the Georgians attacked the main body of the opponent, but after the initial success, they were defeated. Three centuries later, in 1583, a small detachment of Georgians launched a furious attack against an enemy force 30 times larger. The Ottomans barely survived the defeat.
All of these battles share common characteristics: an absolute disregard for the attackers’ numerical minority, initial success in the attack, and ultimate defeat. Did the attacking side have any chance of success, or was it a doomed tactical move from the outset? To answer this question, we must examine the tactics employed by both sides. Medieval European and Georgian warriors possessed a powerful tactical weapon known as mounted shock combat, executed with a couched lance. This type of attack was so formidable that often the opponent fled the battlefield before the actual battle commenced. The mounted shock combat was the most powerful weapon of the medieval army. Therefore, it is not surprising that armies proficient in this tactic did not shy away from engaging numerically superior opponents.

„ცხენის დაკურთხების“ რიტუალი ხევსურეთში

გიორგი ვახტანგაშვილი — 2025-01-20

In this article I explore the “Horse Consecration” ritual, a significant funeral custom once prevalent in various regions of Georgia, with a focus on Khevsureti, a mountainous area in eastern Georgia. This ritual involves locals mourning over the horse and personal belongings of deceased individuals particularly, young males. Through this practice, we gain profound insights into the metaphysical worldviews, material culture, and customs of the vernacular mountainous community.
Adopting a holistic approach, my analysis extends beyond ethnographic literature to include archival written and visual materials. These materials are kept in the archive of the Ivane Javakhishvili Institute of History and Ethnology, Georgia. A pivotal component of this study is the examination of black-and-white photographs from a 1947 ethnographic expedition, The photographs here vividly capture the key elements of the ritual – mourners, the horse belonged to the deceased person, and his or her personal belongings. Due to the lack of information about these photographs, we do not know the exact data about where and when they were taken, that’s why additional information and fieldwork reports about the 1947 ethnographic expedition were also analyzed.
We also argue that a holistic approach requires special attention to methodology, in this case – modern methods of visual analysis. Employing methodologies from Pauwels’ “An Integrated Conceptual Framework for Visual Social Research” and Sebeok’s “An Introduction to Semiotics”, we interpret these historical images within their broader cultural and historical contexts. According to Sebeok, symbols in general (and in these images in particular) conventionally represent societal realities, indicating that the deceased’s horse, clothing, swords, and other items symbolize not only the individual but also the local cultural ethos posthumously.
Ultimately, this article highlights the “Horse Consecration” ritual as a window into the intricate fabric of Khevsureti’s cultural heritage, illustrating how material objects and mourning practices intertwine to reflect deeper vernacular societal values and belief systems.

„კერძი“ – ნათესავის საკრალური მნიშვნელობისათვის

ირმა კვაშილავა — 2025-01-20

The notion of kinship has a broad meaning, encompassing the key events of human relationships. The article analyzes one of the forms of artificial kinship,– “k’erdzi”, “dak’erdzeba” (Fosterage), which arose in relations with North Caucasians in the mountains of Western Georgia (Rach’a-Lechkhum-Svaneti) and, despite political transformations, has not completely lost its significance. This is a pan-Caucasian phenomenon of artificial kinships, such as kunakship, amanatship and the like. K’erdzi, often found in the Bible (New Testament books), basically means “side”, “other side”, “right or left side”, “behind the side”, etc. It is significant that the traditional understanding of “K’erdzi” in Georgian coincides with its sacral meaning, which confirms the biblical thinking of the Georgian people.
“K’erdzo” in old Georgian written sources means “side” and also “being on someone’s side”, or “a supporter”. Additionally, it signifies ownership and belonging. This meaning has been preserved in both the vocabulary and the spoken language of Georgians. Therefore, the Svan prayer, “Let all K’erdzis on both sides of the Caucasus be blessed”, perceives both Northern and Southern Caucasians as supporters without distinction. The sacredness of becoming K’erdzi as a national tradition is confirmed by ethnographic field material.

სამხრეთ ოსეთის ავტონომიური ოლქის შექმნის ეთნო-კულტურული და ისტორიული კონტექსტი

ლავრენტი ჯანიაშვილი — 2025-01-20

The establishment of the South Ossetian Autonomous Region on April 20, 1922, and the subsequent developments are closely linked to the radical protectionist policies of Bolshevik Russia. This naturally raises an important question: how feasible was it to establish South Ossetia as an autonomous national-territorial unit and to develop effective socio-political institutions there without the support of the Soviet government?
As early as the mid-19^th century, the Russian Empire attempted to subordinate the mountainous region of Eastern Georgia to Russian administration, which was quite a difficult task due to geographical, economic, ethnocultural and other factors. On April 10, 1840, the Ossetian District was established, falling under the administrative jurisdiction of Tbilisi, Telavi, and Gori uezds. This district included settlements inhabited by Ossetians who had migrated from the North Caucasus during the 17^th and 18^th centuries. The Russian government was focused on improving administrative efficiency in the mountainous regions of Georgia and had no plans to create a distinct political unit in this area. Nevertheless, this establishment set a precedent that later contributed to the Ossetians’ demands for autonomy, eventually leading to the creation of an autonomous district.
The initial instances of Ossetian separatism in the Shida Kartli region can be traced to three uprisings in 1918-1920, which clearly received support from Soviet Russia. The Bolsheviks assisted the insurgents both politically and financially, and provided armed support. Following the establishment of the Soviet regime in Georgia, the government took proactive steps toward creating Ossetian autonomy. Forming a new autonomous unit required careful consideration of geographical, ethnic, and sociocultural factors. A critical aspect was the need to overhaul the existing communication system. Traditionally, the region’s economic vector followed the natural gorges, extending from the mountains to the plains connecting to Georgia’s urban centers. Establishing a new autonomous unit necessitated linking these gorges, a task that was virtually insurmountable due to the challenging terrain. This connectivity was only achieved after the Russian-Georgian war of 2008, which led to the linking of the gorges of the Ksani and Liakhvi rivers via the Akhalgori-Tskhinvali highway.
The main supporter of Ossetian separatism was Russia, behind the high mountain range of the Caucasus. However, for a permanent connection with it, it was necessary to cut a high-capacity road to the north (at the Roki Pass). The construction of the cart road began during the aforementioned Ossetian uprisings. Later, in the 1930s, there was an idea to connect the South Ossetian Autonomous District with North Ossetia through the Roki Tunnel, which was finally implemented in the 1980s.
The South Ossetian Autonomous District was defined to include various areas inhabited by Ossetians, such as Kudaro in Racha, the Jejora Gorge, the upper reaches of the Kvirila River in Imereti, Thruso in Khevi near the source of the Terek River, and Ghuda at the head of the Tetri Aragvi River; the gorges of Didi and Patara Liakhvi, as well as the Frone, Mejuda, and Lekhura Gorges in Shida Kartli. Geographically, these areas were isolated from one another, with the Georgian population predominating in many areas. Economically, their unification was impractical. These gorges, separated by mountains, historically fell under different Georgian administrative-political units (saeristavos).
In establishing the South Ossetian Autonomous District, the Soviet government decisively departed from the region’s traditional systems and undertook a radical transformation of its ethno-social landscape. Despite efforts to make the process as smooth as possible and the implementation of certain measures, the changes, implemented without regard for the region’s landscape, ethnic composition, traditional communication routes, and economic systems, posed significant risks of serious conflict.
The archival materials reveal that the Soviet government deviated from its declared principles in the creation of the South Ossetian Autonomous District. Instead of considering historical, ethno-cultural, socio-economic, and geographical factors, the government was driven by the empire’s geopolitical interests when establishing this new administrative-political unit.